2020 Professional Certificate in Municipal Finance – Chicago
Março 18, 2020 - Março 20, 2020
Chicago, IL United States
Offered in inglês
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Events in Detroit, Stockton, Flint, and Puerto Rico highlight the severe challenges related to fiscal systems that support public services and the continued stress they face given local governments’ shrinking revenue streams.
Whether you want to better understand public-private partnerships, debt and municipal securities, or leading land-based finance strategies to finance infrastructure projects, this Professional Certificate in Municipal Finance will give you the skills and insights you need as you advance your career in urban planning, real estate, or economic development.
Overview
Created by Harris Public Policy’s Center for Municipal Finance and the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, this three-day program provides a thorough foundation in municipal finance with a focus on urban planning and economic development. This course will include modules on the following topics:
Capital Budgeting/Accounting and Infrastructure Maintenance
Debt/Municipal Securities
Land-Based Finance/Land Value Capture
Public-Private Partnerships
Cost-Benefit Analysis
Fiscal Impact Analysis
Participants will learn how to effectively apply tools of financial analysis to make strategic decisions and gain an improved understanding of the interplay among finance, urban economics, and public policy as it relates to urban planning and economic development.
Upon completion of the program, participants will receive a Certificate in Municipal Finance.
Who Should Attend
Urban planners who work in both the private and public sectors as well as individuals in the economic development, community development, and land development industries.
Cost
Nonprofit and public sector: $1,200
Private sector: $2,250
Space is limited.
Details
Date
Março 18, 2020 - Março 20, 2020
Application Period
Dezembro 20, 2019 - Março 9, 2020
Location
The University of Chicago Keller Center 1307 E 60th St. Chicago, IL United States
Situated almost exactly in between Boston and New York, Hartford, Connecticut, is a classic mid-sized legacy city with great potential for reinvention. In this episode of the Land Matters podcast, planning commissioner Sara Bronin talks about the cutting-edge urban planning practices she hopes will put the city back on the map, after decades of decline.
“In light of the city’s structural challenges in terms of how it gets taxes and how it relates to the state, we’ve really felt within the city we have to take matters into our own hands,” Bronin says. Among the revitalization initiatives: a complete overhaul of an outdated zoning code, which has smoothed the way for lower-cost redevelopment of abandoned factories and other historic buildings now accommodating makers spaces and craft breweries.
An architect and law professor, Bronin helped kick off the Lincoln Institute’s recent scenario planning workshop in Hartford, put on in partnership with the Capitol Region Council of Governments. The metropolitan region is starting to use scenario planning to project multiple futures for the area, in housing, economic development, and transportation.
With a population of about 125,000 – nearly 1 million including the communities all around it—Hartford is the state capital and the fourth largest city in the state. Once a center of innovation and commerce—inventions include firearms, typewriters, tools, sewing machines, bicycles, and even one of the nation’s first electric cars, plus the beginnings of the modern-day insurance industry – Hartford endured population and manufacturing loss, a decline in property tax revenue, crime and high unemployment dating back at least to the 1960s.
Adding to the challenges, a portion of Interstate 84 through downtown has reached the end of its lifespan, and needs to be rebuilt or reconfigured. Possible solutions include replacing sections with surface boulevards, lowering portions of the freeway, or building extensive tunnels for both vehicular traffic and high-speed rail.
That last proposal suggests a path to renewal through some big-picture thinking. Under the Rebooting New England initiative, Amtrak’s high-speed Acela route would go through Hartford between New York and Boston, placing the city at the center of a new Northeast megaregion – and instantly opening up housing and labor markets through faster connections among all the cities of southern New England. The proposal was inspired by the UK’s Northern Powerhouse effort linking older industrial cities north of London.
Zoning reform, scenario planning, major infrastructure investments, and megaregions are all in the mix, and get thorough consideration in this wide-ranging conversation.
Anthony Flint is senior fellow in the Office of the President at the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy.
Photograph: Sara Bronin speaks at the third annual Consortium for Scenario Planning Conference, which took place in November in Hartford, Connecticut. Credit: Diego Lomelli Trejo.
The Unmalling of America
How Municipalities Are Navigating the Changing Retail Landscape
By Gregory Scruggs, Dezembro 16, 2019
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The struggling Bangor Mall is a national parable of changing retail habits. Built on a former dairy farm in Maine, the mall threw open its doors in October 1978, growing to serve up to two-thirds of the state’s population with a plum location off a main thoroughfare, Interstate 95, in the middle of the state. For decades, the mall contributed handsomely to the local tax base, to the tune of $1.2 million per year. In recent years, however, the cream-colored structure with blue trim that once anchored Maine’s third-largest city has gone through the same hard times affecting shopping malls across the country.
Over the past two decades, consumers nationwide have made significant shifts in their shopping habits, migrating to online retail and returning to traditional commercial corridors and shopping districts in economically strong metro areas. Meanwhile, Walmart has consolidated its position as the nation’s largest brick-and-mortar retailer, with a strong clientele of rural, exurban, and small-town customers. As a result, once-venerable retail brands like Sears and Toys ’R’ Us have faced bankruptcy.
This disruption has created a checkerboard of vacancies nationwide, including on the expansive 88 acres of the Bangor Mall, which is now anchored by Dick’s Sporting Goods and Furniture Mattresses & More. Other longtime retailers in the space, like department store JCPenney, have signed lease extensions, though the mall’s very future remains wobbly as out-of-state owners grapple with retail headwinds. In 2017, then-owner Simon Property Group of Indianapolis—which owns retail properties in 37 U.S. states and Puerto Rico, as well as in Europe and Asia—defaulted on an $80 million loan that had used the mall as collateral. The property was sold at auction to a New York-based investor trio in February 2019 for $12.6 million, less than half of its assessed value.
Those assessments have fallen precipitously in recent years due to the decrease in estimated net operating income and increase in vacancy, according to Bangor City Assessor Philip Drew. The mall has seen consecutive year-over-year reductions of roughly 25 percent, from $60.9 million in 2017 to $46.3 million in 2018 to $34.6 million in 2019. In both 2017 and 2018, years that saw the departures of flagship tenants Macy’s and Sears, respectively, the mall’s owner paid its taxes, but appealed for reductions in its assessment given the precarious situation at the property. Drew denied the requests, and his decisions have been appealed to the State of Maine Board of Property Tax Review.
In the meantime, the Bangor Mall’s tax bill has dropped below $1 million for the first time in two decades. Such an outcome may sound like a major hit to Bangor’s budget, but the blow turned out to be manageable, Drew says. The mall accounts for 1.31 percent of the city’s total taxable valuation. But the shifts at the mall aren’t the only changes afoot: overall, Bangor collected more property tax revenue this year than last. “The city’s taxable valuation growth has recently occurred in the downtown district, with a new bank campus owned by Bangor Savings Bank valued at $22 million and the remodel of downtown structures to satisfy the demand for downtown apartments,” Drew says.
In other words, while a mall on the edge of town sputters, Bangor’s downtown is thriving, and the loss of property and sales tax from one was compensated for by the other. It’s the result of a downtown revitalization plan Bangor started in the 1990s. It’s also part of a growing counternarrative to the dominant media story of the past decade, which predicted that the surge in online shopping would spell the end for brick-and-mortar retail, potentially damaging municipal fiscal health along the way.
As this shift plays out in communities large and small across the United States, the facts are more complicated than those media accounts would suggest—and the outlook is more optimistic than the headlines portend. By implementing proactive measures from investing in downtowns to rethinking the use of the valuable acreage occupied by malls, Bangor and other jurisdictions are demonstrating how to navigate the changing retail tides.
Why Retail Matters to Municipalities
That local governments fund their operations in large part on property taxes is no secret (see Figure 1). The revenue source accounts for 72 percent of the total local taxes collected in 2015. While the ratio of residential to commercial properties varies from community to community, as do the respective tax rates placed upon those properties, retail typically accounts for approximately one-quarter of all commercial property value. Whether retail is make or break for a municipal budget, however, varies widely.
“In some communities dependent on malls, they can make up 20 to 30 percent of their tax base and other taxpayers may have been paying relatively less,” says Lincoln Institute of Land Policy Fellow Ron Rakow, former assessor for the City of Boston. Rakow has conducted research on the tax implications of the changing retail environment (Rakow 2018). “If the mall isn’t doing as well, the community is either going to have to reduce services or increase taxes for others.”
Onondoga County, which surrounds Syracuse, New York, is among those communities facing such tough choices. ShoppingTown Mall opened in 1954, placing it among the earliest U.S. shopping malls. A succession of major tenants, including Macy’s, Dick’s Sporting Goods, JCPenney, and Sears, has closed since 2015. The mall’s assessment has dropped precipitously as well, from $53 million in 2008 to $36 million in 2014. Meanwhile, the mall’s owner, Moonbeam LLC, has resisted paying its tax bill to Onondoga County. In June 2019, the company missed a deadline to pay $9.7 million in back taxes dating to 2015. The county is trying to foreclose on the mall in order to redevelop the site, but in August 2019 the company announced its intention to head to bankruptcy court to avoid losing the property.
It’s not just property taxes that are a factor, of course. “Retail is huge, not only from a property tax standpoint, but also [in terms of] sales tax,” says Marc Moffitt, senior research analyst at the Denton (Texas) Central Appraisal District and an adjunct faculty member at the University of North Texas. Sales and other non-property taxes account for about 12 percent of municipal tax revenue. So far, that revenue stream appears to be holding steady nationwide. In the Rockefeller Institute’s most recent state revenue report, covering the fourth quarter of 2017, sales tax collection increased 4.8 percent, doubling the typical quarterly average (Dadayan 2018). The combination of property and sales tax that retailers provide makes for a potent one-two punch. “There are Texas towns that are 80 percent residential, but the 20 percent that is commercial makes up the tax base,” Moffitt says.
Reinvesting in Downtowns
There are 8.5 billion square feet of retail space in the United States, which equates to 24.5 square feet of retail space per capita, or five times Europe’s average of 4.5 square feet per capita. Moffitt looks to the 13 regional malls sprawled across the Dallas-Fort Worth metro area where he lives as a classic example of the overbuilt mall environment. “How many regional malls can you have in one region?” he asks.
Local governments have seen the mall contraction coming. Most malls have been struggling to maintain close to full occupancy for at least a decade, sometimes up to two decades. “The general trends support the fact that increasing vacancy rates are likely for some regional malls,” Bangor assessor Drew says.
Moffitt predicts that such vacancies will increase 20 percent over the next five years. That makes the forthcoming decade a crucial transition period as consumers vote with their feet and their wallets, staking out a preference for denser, walkable urban environments over big-box stores and shopping malls. In 2019, a report from the George Washington University School of Business and Smart Growth America claimed that “walkable urban places,” which meet a certain threshold of real estate, walkability, and human interaction density, were gaining market share faster than their suburban counterparts in the country’s 30 largest metro areas (Loh 2019).
This trend includes both infill in central cities and the urban redevelopment of traditionally car-oriented outer areas. While booming metropolitan economies are driving this increasingly urban pattern in the built environment—New York City, Washington, DC, Chicago, Boston, the San Francisco Bay area, and Seattle top the list—smaller communities are catching on.
Sheboygan, Wisconsin, on the shores of Lake Michigan, is seeing the fruits of decades of work to revitalize its downtown. The construction of two malls in the area in the early 1970s “essentially sapped the economic life out of the downtown,” according to Downtowns: Revitalizing the Centers of Small Urban Communities (Buriyidi 2001). The city began to explore strategies for bringing residents and shoppers back downtown as early as the 1980s, creating a retail-focused Business Improvement District in the 1990s, but the local shopping hub, Memorial Mall, remained a significant player in the financial mix. A decade ago, the city lost $1.3 million in annual tax revenue when Memorial Mall, which eventually closed in 2017, challenged its tax assessment.
The mall wasn’t the only commercial taxpayer to take issue with its bill; Walmart is now seeking tax reductions of $90,000 and $180,000 for 2017 and 2018. The effort by Walmart is one of many initiated by the retailer in municipalities across the country, and is part of an ongoing conflict between big-box retailers and municipalities regarding the fairness of property tax assessments. The tension has led to legal appeals in at least 21 states over the past 10 years, according to a survey of the International Association of Assessing Officers conducted by CityLab in 2018, and has led at least four states to consider legislation that would regulate assessments for big-box properties.
Despite these losses, Sheboygan has managed to maintain its existing city services without increasing residential property taxes. How? Parallel with Memorial Mall’s demise, Acuity Insurance has bet big on the 50,000-person beach town 60 miles north of Milwaukee. The mid-sized insurance company, founded in 1925 and active in 27 states, has made major investments in its corporate headquarters in Sheboygan, expanding the building and hiring hundreds of people. Although the headquarters itself is located outside of downtown, new downtown apartments have sprung up to house its growing staff, contributing to the ongoing revitalization effort there. Sheboygan is also investing in a downtown innovation district and launching a pop-up retail program that offers short-term leases to small business owners. As in Bangor, these downtown development efforts have helped Sheboygan absorb the loss of a mall that was once a major contributor to its tax base. This kind of rebound isn’t feasible everywhere, Rakow points out: “If a community’s economy and population is not growing and healthy, it will be difficult for [businesses] to thrive, whether in a mall or downtown.” But in Sheboygan, officials are demonstrating that there can be life after the mall.
“While in the past it was one of the higher valued properties, the loss of value affects the mindset more than the pocketbook,” says Sheboygan City Assessor Mike Grota.
Ripe for Redevelopment
Today’s malls, some say, are the wrong use for the right site. That is to say, they generally have good locations near major roadways and in some cases public transit, and the large parcel of land they occupy is already serviced with water, sewer, and electricity. “Malls as a property type are dead,” says Moffitt. “It is not if, it’s when they go under and are ready for redevelopment.”
“What malls are worth right now is their dirt. Their structures have little to no value,” Moffitt adds. “Investors view malls as mixed-use redevelopment opportunities better able to serve the community, and they are going to provide a much more robust sales and property tax base.”
Stories of successful mall transformations are emerging. “Mall properties may no longer be exclusively retail on a forward-going basis,” says Rakow. “To keep them economically viable and maintain the foot traffic that smaller retailers are so dependent on, other uses like museums, health clubs, and specialty food stores are coming into malls.”
Such a radical change from the mall as an exclusively retail environment may conflict with land use policy. Instead of serving as an obstacle to this transition, local government can seize the reins to help secure an economically vibrant future. “There is a whole new notion of communities working with mall owners if there are zoning or land use issues,” says Rakow.
Such is the case with University Place in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. In 2016, it was among the college town’s top 10 taxpayers. The next year, it fell off that perch. “The square footage of the center represents a significant retail presence in our market,” Chapel Hill Economic Development Officer Dwight Bassett says. “We would like to see new investment create new value and become a top taxpayer again.” For over a decade since Washington, DC–based Madison Marquette purchased the faltering mall, Chapel Hill has accommodated changes to the site from a traditional internal mall to one more externally facing. Now the mall is home to a children’s museum, health club, and CrossFit studio. One large retail space was converted to Southern Season, a specialty food store that offers a wine- and beer-tasting bar, cooking classes, and a full-service restaurant.
“We allowed a new entrance on a major road, changed our sign ordinance and temporarily had our library located at the mall while we rebuilt our library,” Bassett says. “I think that being a partner and constantly asking how we can help facilitate moving the center to a different market destination has been a key piece of the role we have played to date.”
But not every mall transformation works out successfully. The Hickory Hollow Mall in the Antioch neighborhood of Nashville, Tennessee, lost the last of its two remaining department stores in 2011 and ultimately closed its doors. The mall’s owners repositioned the property with a new name—Global Mall at the Crossings—and added a new community center, a community college satellite campus, a library, and a recreation center. As a potential anchor, the mall also hosts a practice rink for Nashville’s NHL franchise. However, even after pumping in over $50 million, the mall continues to struggle. In November 2019, a plan to transform the mall into Nashville’s first “innovation district” collapsed when a local developer backed out of the deal. Many of Hickory Hollow’s storefronts continue to sit vacant. Without money coming in, the structure has fallen into disrepair.
Another path for malls is linked to the success of e-commerce: their location has proven appealing to Amazon for its distribution centers. While communities were initially eager to offer tax breaks to the online retail giant—especially in the course of its search for a second headquarters—that has begun to shift, according to Rakow. “Communities have caught on to Amazon,” says Rakow. “Since Amazon really needs to have these distribution centers strategically placed, communities aren’t so quick to give tax incentives and breaks to host those facilities. Amazon should be paying its fair share just like any brick and mortar store. The notion of giving incentives doesn’t seem like it’s a wise fiscal practice.”
Moffitt argues there are catalyzing moments when a small investment by the public sector, such as forgoing some property tax revenue, can pay a huge dividend. He points to Colin Creek Mall in Plano, Texas. A developer bought the dying mall, valued at just $10 million, with the benefit of a local property tax incentive and will recast the site with $1 billion in commercial development. “They are going to have 15 to 20 restaurants that spin off a ton of sales and liquor tax,” Moffitt says. “It’s a total game changer when it comes to the tax base.”
Cultivating Offline Commerce
Four in every five U.S. consumers makes online purchases (Pew 2016), and nearly 40 percent of those online shoppers buy something on Amazon at least once a month (Marist 2018). That tendency impacts the built environment, but perhaps not as severely as often thought. “The internet shopping trend has magnified what I believe is a market oversaturation with retail space,” Moffitt says. In other words, a trend that was already underway has been exacerbated. Moffitt breaks it down to simple supply and demand. “In a given 10-mile radius, there are only so many discretionary dollars available to spend,” he says. “Those dollars either go to brick and mortar or go online. If some of those are going online out of convenience, what’s going to happen is those online sales are going to cannibalize a local brick and mortar store [selling the same types of products].”
But Moffitt says retail is far from dead. He points out that U.S. retail real estate currently sits at over 95 percent occupancy, which is even higher than at the 2007 peak before the Great Recession. New retail space continues to be built out and leased. And the future eaters and drinkers at Colin Creek Mall represent another truism about the changing retail landscape, per Moffitt: “There’s a lot of stuff you don’t buy on Amazon.” Bars, restaurants, hair salons, barbershops, gyms, pet daycare, and yoga studios are all types of retail businesses based on experiences or consumption rather than on goods. They are much better positioned to thrive in the new retail era.
For example, London School of Economics professor Lindsay Relihan has studied early adopters of online grocery platforms. In the first two years since switching to some measure of online grocery shopping, those consumers reduce their spending at grocery stores by 4.5 percent but increase their spending at coffee shops by 7.6 percent (Relihan 2017). “Policies that support a transition to service-oriented retail, and the density and accessibility of that retail, are likely to be key to local retail health,” she says. “Transitions are very disruptive in the short run, but I don’t see any reason why fiscal health should necessarily decline in the long run.” Such service-oriented businesses, which rely heavily on foot traffic, tend to be located on main streets and traditional commercial corridors.
Those locations are now “the most desirable from a retail real estate perspective,” Rakow says. “They command fairly high rents and have lower vacancy.” This trend bodes well for urban locations and less so for postwar suburban areas that lack the dense fabric of a main street or commercial corridor.
At the end of the day, Amazon and the acceleration of e-commerce still account for only about 10 to 11 percent of retail sales (USDC 2019). CBRE expects that market share to grow to just over 15 percent by 2022 (CBRE 2019). Meanwhile, Walmart’s big-box stores on the urban fringe continue to thrive, even as cities reinvest in their downtowns. As customer proclivities and technologies evolve, few can predict what the retail landscape might look like 10 or 20 years from now. But one thing is certain, as municipal leaders in Bangor, Sheboygan, Chapel Hill, and many other communities are discovering: Keeping up with changing retail habits and their impact on fiscal health requires flexibility, creativity, and foresight.
Gregory Scruggs is a journalist who writes about built and natural environments. A member of the American Institute of Certified Planners, he is based in Seattle.
Photographs in order of appearance:
Aerial view of the Bangor Mall in Bangor, Maine. Credit: Ten-X Commercial.
Some experiences simply cannot be replicated online. Communities are counting on that fact to help coffee shops and other local businesses stay afloat. Credit: Brewbooks/Flickr CC BY 2.0.
Loh, Tracey Hadden, Christopher Leinberger, and Jordan Chafetz. 2019. “Foot Traffic Ahead: Ranking Walkable Urbanism in America’s Largest Metros.” Washington, DC: Washington University School of Business and Smart Growth America (June). https://smartgrowthamerica.org/resources/foot-traffic-ahead-2019/.
Rakow, Ron. Forthcoming. “The Impact of an Evolving Real Estate Environment on Property Tax Revenue.” Working paper. Cambridge, MA: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy.
Relihan, Lindsay. 2017. “Is Online Retail Killing Coffee Shops? Estimating the Winners and Losers of Online Retail Using Customer Transaction Microdata.” Working paper. Philadelphia, PA: Wharton School. https://www.lindsayrelihan.com/research/.
Marvin Rees nació en Bristol, Reino Unido, y creció en las viviendas públicas de la ciudad. De allí fue a estudiar políticas e historia económicas en la Universidad Swansea; luego, desarrollo global en Eastern University, Pensilvania, y el programa de liderazgo mundial en Yale World Fellows. Trabajó en el área de salud pública, donde promovió la igualdad racial en la atención de la salud mental, y como periodista de radiodifusión para la BBC, antes de buscar un puesto político en su ciudad natal. Cuando fue electo, en mayo de 2016, se convirtió en el primer alcalde de ascendencia negra afro-caribeña en una ciudad europea. Se comprometió con convertir a Bristol (un ex centro fabril a unos 160 kilómetros al oeste de Londres con más de 450.000 habitantes) en “una ciudad más justa para todos”, centrada en viviendas asequibles, una mejor estructura de tránsito, atención médica y movilidad social mediante el acceso a la educación. Rees, de 47 años, también trabajó para mejorar las comunicaciones y la colaboración con los votantes y los grupos cívicos. Vive en East Bristol con su esposa y sus tres hijos. En su entrevista con Anthony Flint, miembro sénior, Rees reflexiona acerca de la igualdad, el crecimiento y la inmigración, en medio de un clima político tumultuado en el Reino Unido.
Anthony Flint:Uno de los afiches de su campaña indicaba que cuando fuera electo construiría 2.000 viviendas al año. ¿Qué había detrás de esa promesa? ¿Y cómo evolucionó?
Marvin Rees: El motivo por el cual las viviendas asequibles se hicieron prioritarias es que son una de las herramientas de políticas más importantes que tenemos para ofrecerle a la población salud, una economía sólida, una sociedad estable y buenos resultados educativos. Al igual que muchas ciudades de los Estados Unidos, nos encontramos en una crisis de vivienda. No hemos construido lo suficiente, y el mercado privado por su cuenta no ha dado la oportunidad de poseer un hogar estable. Ha sido difícil, en parte porque no teníamos armada la maquinaria organizativa para priorizar el territorio y desarrollarlo. Pero parece que estamos encaminados para alcanzar la meta: 2.000 viviendas al año para 2020, 800 [de ellas] asequibles. Hay toda una mezcla: viviendas obreras donde poseemos el suelo; una asociación de viviendas sociales con alquileres inferiores a los precios de mercado; constructores en volumen que, dentro de sus esquemas, también deben ofrecer viviendas asequibles; y estamos apoyando esquemas de autoconstrucción, mediante los que las comunidades se unen [para construir viviendas compartidas en suelo infrautilizado]. Tuvimos la exhibición Bristol Housing Festival, que presentó métodos modernos de construcción, como fabricación fuera del sitio. Hacemos hincapié en la calidad y la comunidad. Lo que no queremos es simplemente armar cajas y llenarlas de gente.
AF:Al pensar en crecimiento sostenible y viviendas asequibles, según su opinión, ¿cuál es la función de las políticas de suelo, entre ellas la tributación territorial? ¿Cuál es su postura respecto de la captura de valor territorial y la tributación del valor del suelo?
MR: Vengo de un entorno de salud pública y periodismo, entonces tuve que hacer un curso acelerado sobre cómo funcionan varias partes de una ciudad. El valor territorial es un desafío masivo porque el suelo se convirtió en un producto básico, que pasa por las manos de varios propietarios cuyo objetivo no es construirle cosas encima, sino simplemente ganar dinero. Necesitamos poderes a nivel del gobierno local, y el gobierno nacional debe tomar medidas para modificar la manera en que se utiliza el suelo. Personalmente, creo nos debemos una conversación inmensa. En el Reino Unido, creemos que la educación es un bien común. Pensamos lo mismo sobre la salud, y por lo tanto tenemos un Servicio Nacional de Salud. Y creo que, por la justicia social y la fortaleza de nuestra economía, necesitamos volver a enmarcar nuestro modo de pensar en el suelo y las viviendas. Si fallamos en esto, terminaremos con lo que vimos en todo el mundo: la clase media desaparece, y el resultado es una población bifurcada y un estado frágil. Esto es una crisis.
AF:Ha aceptado el concepto de reinvención para las ciudades postindustriales, que es un tema grande para U.K. 2070 Commission, una iniciativa de investigación asociada con el Instituto Lincoln. ¿Pero cómo alienta al crecimiento en su ciudad y en otras parecidas en el contexto de Brexit?
MR: Brexit es la respuesta incorrecta al problema correcto. La gente quedó olvidada; perdió la esperanza. [La gente siente que] la política está cada vez más lejos de ella. El otro problema que identificó Brexit es que la gente perdió el contacto con su historia y relato nacionales, y con quiénes son. Al igual que en los Estados Unidos, quieren volver a los 50. Estos son reclamos legítimos, pero Brexit no va a resolver el problema. La globalización ha integrado nuestras comunidades para que usemos los mismos productos: Pizza Hut no tiene nada de inglés, ¿o sí? De muchas formas, estamos en un mundo posnacional y no podemos depositar nuestro futuro en las manos de un gobierno nacional. El gobierno a nivel de la ciudad es el mejor lugar para actuar: las ciudades están formando redes internacionales para trabajar en conjunto en temas compartidos, como cambio climático, inmigración e igualdad.
AF:Tómese un momento para explicar el One City Plan de Bristol, que expone una visión de dónde estará la ciudad en 2050, y está nominado para el premio a la Capital de la Innovación de la UE. ¿Cómo equilibra las innumerables ideas de los votantes con la implementación del plan que determinó que es necesario?
MR: El One City Plan surge de comprender que lo que la gente recibe no proviene únicamente del gobierno; la gente debe sentirse en la intersección de [decisiones tomadas por] la ciudad, universidades, el sector privado . . . Y si queremos dar forma al futuro, debemos aferrarnos a ese impacto colectivo y alinearnos un poco. También se basa en el sentido de que no podemos esperar a ver qué viene por las vías del tren. Debemos ver dónde debemos estar en 2050, y si queremos estar ahí para 2050, qué debemos entregar en 2048 o en 2025, y trabajar hacia atrás. Es un documento vivo con prioridades compartidas y un acuerdo real. Cualquier persona de Bristol puede tomar una copia del plan y decir: “Comprendo, harán X para 2050, pero creo que debería hacerse para 2025”. Por ejemplo, la neutralidad de carbono. El One City Plan nos da la materia prima y nos muestra cómo podemos llegar a los puntos en común.
El plan está basado en seis pisos [Salud y Bienestar; Economía; Viviendas y Comunidades; Medio Ambiente; Aprendizaje y Habilidades; Conectividad]. Cada uno de esos pisos tiene una junta [conformada por miembros de la comunidad], y ellos son responsables de hacer actualizaciones todos los años. También tenemos algo llamado City Gathering (Reunión de la Ciudad) cada seis meses. En la primera se reunieron unas 70 personas . . . y yo les dije: entre nosotros, gastamos £ 6.000 millones [US$ 7.400 millones] y empleamos a 70.000 personas en la economía. Si nos alineamos en una pequeña cantidad de prioridades compartidas, ¿qué no podríamos lograr? Tenemos un poder increíble. Estamos intentando crear un espacio para que la gente pueda [conectarse y] encontrar respuestas.
AF:Al desempeñarse en su empleo, fue víctima de comentarios extremistas y antiinmigratorios. ¿Cómo hace para ocupar un alto cargo ejecutivo con un plan progresista en ese tipo de entorno?
MR: Lo logro porque creo que todo el argumento sobre la inmigración es, para ser benevolente, un error, y si soy menos benevolente, una gran mentira. La inmigración no es la causa de los problemas de la gente. Yo crecí siendo pobre entre esas personas a las que se acusa. Que haya miembros de la élite inglesa que van por ahí, y se ve algo similar en los Estados Unidos, culpando a los inmigrantes por la situación del país sobre el cual han tenido un poder absoluto durante siglos . . . es un poco fuerte. Han creado una situación en la cual la gente relativamente pobre y desprovista de poder está culpando a otra gente pobre y sin poder por la situación en la que nos encontramos. No me cuesta, también, porque quiero estar en un lugar donde pueda decir lo que pienso de verdad. Yo soy un hombre mestizo. Mi papá vino de Jamaica; la herencia inglesa de mi mamá se remonta a mucho tiempo atrás en Bristol. Mi abuelo era de Gales del Sur y, antes, de Irlanda. Soy la encarnación física de la migración, entonces pienso que es hipócrita decir que la migración es la causa de los males del mundo.
Otro problema es que los gobiernos nacionales dan forma al debate por la migración. Y debería ser al revés. Lo que necesitamos es que los gobiernos nacionales empiecen a hablar con las ciudades y preguntarles qué necesitan. [Las ciudades] tienden a ver la migración como un activo, en términos de la conectividad con los mercados mundiales. Si seguimos las poblaciones asiáticas, africanas, de Europa Oriental, nos conectan con oportunidades internacionales. Los gobiernos nacionales están usando números abstractos y hablan de cuántas personas más dejan entrar. Y eso es totalmente diferente a lo que debemos conversar.
AF:Por último, aunque por cierto no es lo menos importante: ¿cuál es su visión sobre cómo pueden aportar las ciudades como Bristol para combatir el cambio climático y a la vez prepararse para los impactos inevitables?
MR: Reconocemos absolutamente que se trata de una crisis con consecuencias muy reales. Mayor riesgo de inundaciones, temperaturas más extremas, desertificación: acabaremos con un incremento de la migración de áreas rurales a urbanas, y una fuente de conflicto que llevará a más crisis. Para las ciudades, la emergencia climática será inseparable de la emergencia migratoria global. Las ciudades deben tener el mando, por varios motivos. Uno tiene que ver con la voluntad política. Esto es indudable en los Estados Unidos: el gobierno federal parece no tener voluntad política, pero hemos visto que algunos alcaldes del país dieron un paso al frente para tomar las riendas cuando el gobierno federal se retira. Las ciudades son más propensas a observar en términos de interdependencias, mientras que el gobierno nacional está más ocupado con las fronteras. Las ciudades están equipadas con la maquinaria política para marcar el camino.
Anthony Flint es miembro sénior del Instituto Lincoln de Políticas de Suelo.
Fotografía: Marvin Rees. Crédito: Oficina del alcalde de Bristol.
Tecnociudad
El alumbrado se hace más inteligente, ¿y nosotros?
Por Rob Walker, Novembro 21, 2019
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En 1879, una delegación de funcionarios de Detroit tomó un barco a vapor y cruzó el lago Erie hacia Cleveland; allí, examinó el primer alumbrado eléctrico de la nación. Tres semanas antes, el inventor e ingeniero Charles Brush había encendido el interruptor de una decena de “lámparas de arco” en una plaza pública. “La mayoría de las personas quedaron deslumbradas”, informó el diario Plain Dealer de Cleveland, “tanto por la novedad como por el fulgor de la escena”.
Detroit enseguida adoptó la nueva tecnología de iluminación, al igual que otras ciudades importantes, como San Francisco y Boston. En otros lugares, como la propia Cleveland de Brush, los dirigentes debatían si debían cambiar las lámparas de gas (y seguían discutiendo este punto unos años más tarde, cuando Brush contrató a John C. Lincoln, colega inventor de Cleveland, para que trabajara en su empresa; este último terminó por fundar Lincoln Electric Company y la Fundación Lincoln, que evolucionó hasta convertirse en el Instituto Lincoln de Políticas de Suelo).
Con el tiempo, por supuesto, el alumbrado eléctrico se expandió por doquier. Durante el s. XX, la tecnología de alumbrado evolucionó de forma gradual: las varillas de carbono en las lámparas de Brush dieron paso a los focos incandescentes de Thomas Edison, y luego a los focos de mercurio y sodio. Más o menos en la última década, esa evolución se aceleró radicalmente, gracias a dos desarrollos. El primero es el surgimiento de los diodos fotoemisores (LED, por su sigla en inglés), que ofrecen importantes ahorros en energía. El segundo es el estallido más reciente de interés por equipar al alumbrado con tecnologías de “ciudad inteligente” que van mucho más allá de la iluminación: piense en cualquier cosa, desde cámaras de seguridad hasta puntos de acceso a wifi.
Todo esto enfatiza, a la vez que complica, la función del alumbrado en la planificación y el uso del suelo, que se suele ignorar. “El sistema de alumbrado público respalda la seguridad del tránsito y de los peatones, y sirve para que la gente se sienta segura en las ciudades que pueden tener mucha delincuencia”, dice Beau Taylor, director ejecutivo de la Autoridad de Alumbrado Público de Detroit (PLA, por su sigla en inglés).
Más de un siglo después de instalar esas innovadoras lámparas de arco, básicamente, Detroit se vio obligada a volver a asumir la vanguardia de la iluminación. Hacia 2014, cerca del 40 por ciento o más de las 88.000 lámparas de sodio habían dejado de funcionar en algún momento. La infraestructura lumínica de la ciudad, que ocupa 360 kilómetros cuadrados, se había diseñado para una ciudad próspera de 2 millones de habitantes en el s. XX. Esto se tornó imposible de mantener.
Un bono de US$ 185 millones financió 65.000 lámparas LED nuevas; así, Detroit fue la primera ciudad grande de los Estados Unidos en pasarse a las LED. El objetivo de esta renovación no fue simplemente cambiar focos. Las luces de LED son diferentes: un foco de sodio produce luz que disminuye gradualmente, mientras que las LED producen un haz más directo que es dos veces más brillante, y la población de Detroit disminuyó, por lo que los planificadores tuvieron que instalar postes nuevos con una configuración actualizada.
Hoy, el organismo dice que los costos energéticos asociados a las nuevas luces son alrededor de la mitad de lo que habrían sido con luces convencionales. Y un análisis de Detroit Greenways Coalition, un grupo de políticas e interés, indicó que “los accidentes fatales con peatones en zonas oscuras y sin iluminación disminuyeron drásticamente, de 24 en 2014 a apenas uno en 2017”, y concluyó que las nuevas luces eran el motivo principal de esto.
Estos son resultados importantes. Pero podría venir más: las nuevas farolas de Detroit están equipadas con dispositivos que se pueden modernizar para cumplir varias funciones “inteligentes”. Y esto nos lleva a la revolución tecnológica que se adjuntó al humilde alumbrado del pasado.
“Cuando usamos la palabra ‘inteligente’, quiere decir conectado”, dice Dominique Bonte, vicepresidente de la consultora ABI Research, cuyo pronóstico es que el mercado de alumbrado inteligente crecerá un 31 por ciento entre 2018 y 2026. Las luces que están conectadas por red, ya sea wifi o cable de fibra óptica, se pueden controlar o monitorear de forma remota. Estas conexiones también abren nuevas posibilidades, en particular debido a que en los próximos años se lanzará la tecnología de red celular más robusta conocida como 5G. “En el futuro, las farolas se pueden convertir más bien en centros o plataformas”, añade Bonte.
Austin Ashe, gerente general de ciudades inteligentes en Current, subsidiaria de GE, explicó a la publicación del área de ingeniería IEEE Spectrum que las farolas son ideales para cumplir esta función: “Tienen electricidad, están por todas partes y tienen la elevación perfecta: son altas como para cubrir un radio razonable, pero no tanto, para poder captar muchos datos importantes”.
Esta noción ya cautivó la imaginación de varias ciudades en todo el mundo: si las farolas ya están en cada cuadra, ¿por qué no pensar qué más pueden hacer?
Un estudio que llevó a cabo la empresa de investigación IoT Analytics estima que, en los próximos cinco años, la cantidad total de farolas conectadas en América del Norte llegará a los 14,4 millones, e indica que Miami es la ciudad con el despliegue más extenso de farolas conectadas con LED: casi 500.000. En los Ángeles, hay 165.000 farolas en red diseñadas para funcionar como una especie de espina dorsal en el desarrollo de otras tecnologías, como sensores detectores de sonidos que identifican disparos y otros ruidos. San Diego probó farolas equipadas con tecnología de vigilancia auditiva y visual, además de sensores que verifican la temperatura y la humedad. En Kansas City, una nueva línea céntrica de tranvía de 3,5 kilómetros tiene esparcidos puestos de wifi, sensores de tráfico y alumbrado de LED con cámaras de seguridad anexadas, y todo está vinculado con cable de fibra óptica. Y Cleveland se está lanzando a una labor por US$ 35 millones para reemplazar 61.000 dispositivos por farolas de LED inteligentes que admiten cámaras. En París, Madrid, Yakarta y otras ciudades de todo el mundo se están realizando labores similares.
Pero a medida que avanzan estos experimentos, empiezan a surgir inquietudes. La Unión Americana para las Libertades Civiles (ACLU) y otros organismos discrepan con la idea de que el alumbrado que admite cámaras observe todos los movimientos de las personas, y exigen que el gobierno supervise para garantizar que las “ciudades inteligentes” no se conviertan en “ciudades de vigilancia”. Mientras el entusiasmo municipal por las nuevas tecnologías deja rezagada a la normativa, algunos dirigentes sugieren precaución: “La tecnología avanza a un paso acelerado”, dijo un miembro del ayuntamiento de San Diego a Los Angeles Times. “Como funcionarios electos, no solo debemos seguir el ritmo de los crecientes desarrollos, sino también garantizar que se protejan los derechos y las libertades civiles de los residentes”.
Y luego están los factores económicos de todo esto. El alumbrado puede consumir hasta el 40 por ciento de las facturas de electricidad municipales, según indica el Departamento de Energía de EE.UU.; por lo tanto, las actualizaciones básicas de eficiencia suelen compensarse con el tiempo. Pero Bonte, de ABI, destaca que el rendimiento de las inversiones en proyectos más elaborados no siempre es claro, y pueden pasar décadas hasta que los beneficios se hagan realidad.
Con vistas al futuro, Taylor, de la PLA de Detroit, dice que su organismo está haciendo un seguimiento de los experimentos en curso en otras ciudades y participa en labores por descifrar qué productos o servicios inteligentes podrían beneficiar a la gente de Detroit de verdad. Si, por ejemplo, la ciudad decide agregar más wifi público en parques u otros espacios, readaptar el alumbrado es una opción. Pero eso está en el futuro. “La tecnología de ciudad inteligente es más bien un efecto multiplicador para un sistema de alumbrado público”, dice. “Nuestro enfoque principal fue volver a encender las luces”.
Incluso ese enfoque, cauteloso en comparación, tuvo sus riesgos: en un desarrollo frustrante, la PLA descubrió que las luces suministradas por un proveedor se están quemando mucho más rápido de lo que deberían. Ahora la ciudad debe cambiarlas, con un costo de alrededor de US$ 9 millones, y demandó al proveedor.
Con razón Taylor parece contento de esperar y observar mientras los demás experimentan. Dado el ritmo de la tecnología, lo último que una ciudad quiere es tener que ajustar su sistema “inteligente” dentro de diez años. “No se trata de que todo quede hecho por adelantado”, dice. “Se trata de mantenernos abiertos a las opciones”.
Rob Walker es periodista; escribe sobre diseño, tecnología y otros temas. Su libro The Art of Noticing (El arte de darse cuenta) se publicó en mayo de 2019.
Fotografía: La nueva generación de alumbrado puede hacer de todo, desde verificar el clima hasta escuchar disparos. Muchos funcionarios de la ciudad lo consideran una bendición, pero algunas organizaciones de derechos civiles exigen normativas más estrictas. Crédito:Coolfire Solutions.
Mayor’s Desk
Boston Mayor Marty Walsh On the Urgency of Climate Action
Born and raised in the working-class Boston neighborhood of Dorchester, Martin J. Walsh is serving his second term as Boston’s 54th mayor, focusing on schools, affordable housing, and immigration, among many other issues. He has also become an international leader in confronting climate change and building resilience, hosting a major climate summit in 2018 and forming a coalition of mayors committed to working on renewable energy and other strategies. He has pledged to make Boston carbon-neutral by 2050, and has led Imagine Boston 2030, the first citywide comprehensive plan in half a century, as well as the Resilient Boston Harbor initiative. He made time to speak with Senior Fellow Anthony Flint to reflect on being mayor in the midst of the unfolding climate crisis.
Anthony Flint: You have been one of the most active mayors in the nation on the pressing issue of climate change. Tell us about your recent efforts to coordinate action—and how you feel about all this work being done at the local level in the absence of a federal initiative?
Marty Walsh: We hosted our first climate summit, and we’ve been working with mayors across America. I was elected as the North American co-chair for C40 prior to President Trump pulling out of the Paris climate accord. We’ve been working with Mayor [Eric] Garcetti in Los Angeles and other mayors to make sure that cities recommitted themselves to the Paris climate agreement. This is such an important issue for the country and for Boston, and it’s so important to have engagement and leadership. It’s unfortunate that we haven’t had a [federal] partner in the last few years. But we’re going to continue to take on the challenges and continue to think about the next generation. What I’m hoping is that ultimately we will have a federal partner, and [when that time comes] we won’t be starting at zero.
AF: Turning first to mitigation: what are the most important ways that cities can help reduce carbon emissions? Should cities require the retrofitting of older buildings, for example, to make them more energy efficient?
MW: We have a program called Renew Boston Trust, identifying energy savings in city-owned buildings. It’s important to be sure we start in our own backyard. We have 14 buildings underway for retrofits—libraries, community centers, police and fire stations. Secondly, we’re looking at electrifying some of our vehicles. The third piece is looking at retrofitting and new construction, making sure all new construction is built to higher performance standards with fewer carbon emissions. Ultimately, as we think about reducing carbon emissions, we are looking at 85,000 buildings in our city . . . if we want to hit net zero carbon by 2050, we’ll have to retrofit those buildings, large and small. Then there’s transportation—getting our transportation system to be cleaner and greener. Even if we had a strong national policy, it’s ultimately the cities that will have to carry out the reductions.
AF: Even if we stopped all carbon emissions tomorrow, the planet will still have to manage significant sea level rise, flooding, volatile weather, wildfires, and more, because of inexorably rising temperatures. What are the most promising efforts here and around the country in building resilience?
MW: For Boston and East Coast cities and oceanfront property, our Resilient Boston Harbor plan lays out some good strategies. We have 47 miles of shoreline, and rivers that run through and border our city. We’ve looked at [the 2012 Atlantic hurricane] Superstorm Sandy and at what happened in Houston [due to Hurricane Harvey in 2017], in terms of protecting people in major flooding events. We have one big plan for the harbor, but there are other neighborhoods where we have to make sure we’re prepared. We’re doing planning studies in all of these areas [under the Climate Ready Boston initiative] to deal with sea-level rise. They eventually become one environmental plan.
It is a public safety matter. It’s about quality of life and the future of our city. In the past, mayors have focused on economic development and transportation and education. Today, climate change, resilience, and preparedness are part of the conversation in ways they weren’t 25 years ago.
AF: At the Lincoln Institute, we’re big believers in working with nature through blue and green infrastructure—and coming up with new ways to pay for it. Are you also a fan of this approach, which the Dutch and others have developed?
MW: Resilient Boston Harbor is really a green infrastructure plan. One project that speaks to that is Martin’s Park, named for Martin Richard [the youngest victim of the 2013 Boston Marathon bombing]. We raised parts of the park to prevent flood pathways, and installed mini piles and vegetated beds reinforced with stone to prevent erosion at higher tides. We’re looking at doing something like that throughout the inner harbor. We’re spending $2 million at Joe Moakley Park, which is the start of major flood pathways to several neighborhoods . . . we’re trying to cut back on as much flood-related property damage and disruption of people’s lives as possible. Berms and other barriers can help keep the water out . . . but there are opportunities to let the water through and not let it build up, in a major storm event.
AF: In addition to new taxes that have been proposed, would you support a value capture arrangement where the private sector contributes more to these kinds of massive public investments?
MW: On top of private investment—which we’re going to need more of—we are working with philanthropic organizations, to see if some philanthropic dollars can go into these kinds of projects. In our budget this year, we’re dedicating 10 percent in capital budget to resilience. We’re also looking at taking some dedicated revenue and putting it into resilience. For example, we raised fines and penalties for parking violations. That will go right back into transportation and resilience, including things like raising streets up. That’s a start. Over time, we’ll dedicate more of our budget to this. At some point hopefully, the federal government will invest. Right now, they are paying millions and millions for disaster relief. Rather than coming in after an event and a tragedy happens, I would hope that they will want to make investments on the front end.
AF: Given projections that large swaths of Boston will be underwater later this century, can you reflect on a personal level about this threat to the city you currently lead? How would you inspire more urgency to address this problem?
MW: That’s our job. Our job is to govern in the present day, and manage all the day-to-day operations, but our job is also to lay down the foundation of what our city looks like in the future. The infrastructure that we build out will be here for the next 50 to 60 years. The Resilient Boston Harbor plan is [designed] to deal with sea-level rise 40 or 50 years from now. We’re building all of that with the expectation of preserving and protecting the residents of the city. I would hope that when I’m not here as mayor anymore, the next mayor will come in and will want to invest as well. This is the legacy of the city—I wouldn’t say it’s necessarily my legacy—to look back years from now, for residents to look back and be grateful for the investments and the time that leaders took in 2017 and 2018 and 2019.
I don’t think as a country we’re where we need to be. The Dutch and other European countries are farther ahead. So we’re playing catch-up. We’re not waiting for the next generation to try to solve this problem.
Photographs in order of appearance
Boston Mayor Marty Walsh speaks at the annual Mayor’s Greenovate Awards, which recognize climate and sustainability leaders in the community. Credit: John Wilcox, courtesy of City of Boston Mayor’s Office.
Mayor Walsh addresses a crowd of protesters at City Hall during the September 2019 youth climate strike. Credit: Jeremiah Robinson, courtesy of City of Boston Mayor’s Office.
City Tech
Streetlights Are Getting Smarter—Are We?
By Rob Walker, Setembro 27, 2019
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In 1879, a delegation of officials from Detroit took a steamship across Lake Erie to Cleveland, where they examined the nation’s first electric streetlights. Three weeks earlier, inventor and engineer Charles Brush had flipped the switch on a dozen “arc lamps” in a public square in the latter city. “Most people seemed struck with admiration,” reported Cleveland’s Plain Dealer newspaper, “both by the novelty and brilliancy of the scene.”
Detroit quickly embraced the new lighting technology, as did other major cities including San Francisco and Boston. In other places, including Brush’s own Cleveland, leaders debated whether to make the switch from gas lamps. (They were still arguing the point a few years later when Brush hired fellow Cleveland inventor John C. Lincoln to work at his company; the latter went on to found the Lincoln Electric Company and the Lincoln Foundation, which evolved into the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy.)
Eventually, of course, electric streetlights became ubiquitous. During the 20th century, streetlight technology evolved gradually, with the carbon rods in Brush’s lamps giving way to Thomas Edison’s incandescent bulbs, then to mercury and sodium bulbs. In the past decade or so, that evolution has accelerated dramatically, thanks to two developments. First is the emergence of light-emitting diodes (LEDs), which offer considerable energy savings. Second is the more recent explosion of interest in outfitting streetlights with “smart city” technologies that go well beyond lighting—think everything from surveillance cameras to Wi-Fi hotspots.
All of this underscores, and complicates, the often-overlooked role of streetlights in planning and land use. “A street lighting system is there for traffic safety, pedestrian safety, and to make people feel safe in cities where there may be high crime,” says Beau Taylor, executive director of Detroit’s Public Lighting Authority (PLA).
More than a century after it installed those innovative arc lamps, Detroit was essentially forced back to the leading edge of lighting. By 2014, some 40 percent or more of its 88,000 sodium streetlights had become non-functioning at any given time. The city’s lighting infrastructure, spread over 139 square miles, had been designed for a thriving city of 2 million people in the 20th century. Maintaining it had become untenable.
A $185 million bond funded 65,000 new LED streetlights, making Detroit the first large U.S. city to convert to LEDs. This upgrade was not just a matter of swapping out bulbs. The lighting from LEDs is different—a sodium bulb produces light that gradually tapers, while LEDs produce a more direct shaft that’s twice as bright—and Detroit’s population has shrunk, so planners had to install new poles in a revised configuration.
Today the agency says the associated energy costs of the new lights are about half what they would have been with conventional lights. And an analysis by the Detroit Greenways Coalition, a policy and advocacy group, found that “pedestrian fatalities in dark, unlighted areas dropped drastically, from 24 in 2014 to just one in 2017,” concluding that the new lights were the primary factor.
Those are significant outcomes. But there could be more to come: Detroit’s new streetlights are equipped with fixtures that can be retrofit to perform various “smart” functions. And this brings us to the technological revolution that has attached itself to the formerly humble streetlight.
“When we use the word ‘smart,’ it means connected,” says Dominique Bonte, a vice president at consultancy ABI Research, which forecasts the smart streetlight market will grow 31 percent between 2018 and 2026. Lights that are connected by a network, whether Wi-Fi or fiber-optic cable, can be monitored or controlled remotely. These connections also open new possibilities, particularly as the more robust cellular network technology known as 5G rolls out over the next few years. “Streetlights, in the future, can become more like hubs or platforms,” Bonte continues.
Streetlights are ideal for this role, as Austin Ashe, general manager for intelligent cities at GE subsidiary Current, explained to engineering trade publication IEEE Spectrum: “They have power, ubiquity, and the perfect elevation—high enough to cover a reasonable radius, low enough to capture a lot of important data.”
This notion has already captured the imagination of cities around the world: if streetlights are already on every block, why not figure out what else they can do?
A study by research firm IoT Analytics estimates the total number of connected streetlights in North America will reach as high as 14.4 million over the next five years, naming Miami as the city with the most extensive deployment of connected LED streetlights, with nearly 500,000. In Los Angeles, 165,000 networked streetlights are designed to serve as a kind of backbone for the deployment of other technologies, such as noise-detection sensors that monitor gunshots and other sounds. San Diego has tested streetlights outfitted with audio and visual surveillance technology, plus sensors that monitor temperature and humidity. In Kansas City, a new 2.2-mile downtown streetcar line is dotted with wi-fi kiosks, traffic sensors, and LED streetlights with security cameras attached, all linked by fiber-optic cable. And Cleveland is embarking on a $35 million effort to replace 61,000 fixtures with smart camera-enabled LED streetlights. Similar efforts are underway in Paris, Madrid, Jakarta, and other cities around the world.
But as these experiments play out, concerns are coming into view. The ACLU and others take issue with the idea of camera-enabled streetlights watching the public’s every move, calling for government oversight to ensure that “smart cities” don’t become “surveillance cities.” As municipal enthusiasm for new technologies outpaces their regulation, some leaders are considering caution: “Technology is advancing at a rapid pace,” a San Diego City Council member told the Los Angeles Times. “As elected officials, we have to not only keep up with the increasing developments, but also ensure that the civil rights and civil liberties of our residents are protected.”
And then there are the economics of it all. Streetlights can eat up to 40 percent of municipal energy bills, according to the U.S. Department of Energy, so basic efficiency upgrades tend to pay off over time. But as ABI’s Bonte points out, the return on investment for more elaborate projects isn’t always clear, and realizing the benefits can take decades.
Looking ahead, Taylor of the Detroit PLA says his agency is tracking the experiments underway in other cities and participating in efforts to figure out which smart products or services might actually benefit the people of Detroit. If the city decides to, for example, add more public wi-fi to parks or other spaces, retrofitting the streetlights is an option. But that’s in the future. “Smart city technology is more of a multiplier effect for a street lighting system,” he says. “Our primary focus was getting the lights back on.”
Even that comparatively cautious approach came with risks: In a frustrating development, the PLA found that lights supplied by one of its vendors are burning out far more quickly than they should. The city now has to swap out those lights, at a cost of around $9 million, and has sued the supplier.
No wonder Taylor seems happy to wait and watch as others experiment. The last thing a city wants, given the pace of technology, is to have to overhaul its “smart” system a decade from now. “It’s not about getting it all done up front,” he says. “It’s about keeping options open.”
Rob Walker is a journalist covering design, technology, and other subjects. His book The Art of Noticing was published in May 2019.
Photograph: The new generation of streetlights can do everything from monitor the weather to listen for gunshots. Many city officials view this as a boon, but some civil rights organizations are calling for strict regulations. Credit: Coolfire Solutions.